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Elan is a piece of transcribing software that allows the transcription to be time-aligned with the audio. This can save a lot of time when revisiting audio data to find out precisely how something was said (e.g. for studies into sociophonetic variation). It is less useful if your primary focus is what was said (e.g. for studies into discourse analysis). Transcribing into Elan is generally more time-consuming, and a lot more involved, than directly into Word, for example.
In this essay I focus on the singular performances of the interface between (black) subjectivity and informational technologies in popular music, asking how these performances impact current definitions of the technological. After a brief examination of those aspects of mobile technologies that gesture beyond disembodied communication, I turn to the multifarious manifestations of techno-informational gadgets (especially cellular/mobile telephones) in contemporary R&B, a genre that is acutely concerned, both in content and form, with the conjuring of interiority, emotion, and affect. The genre's emphasis on these aspects provides an occasion to analyze how technology thoroughly permeates spheres that are thought to represent the hallmarks of humanist hallucinations of humanity. I outline the extensive and intensive interdependence of contemporary (black) popular music and mobile technologies in order to ascertain how these sonic formations refract communication and embodiment and ask how this impacts ruling definitions of the technological. The first group of musical examples surveyed consists of recordings released between 1999 and 2001; the second set are recordings from years 2009-2010. Since ten years is almost an eternity in the constantly changing universes of popular music and mobile technologies, analyzing the sonic archives from two different historical moments allows me to stress the general co-dependence of mobiles and music without silencing the breaks that separate these "epochs." Finally, I gloss a visual example that stages overlooked dimensions of mobile technologies so as to amplify the rhythmic flow between the scopic and the sonic. The artifacts in question boost the singular corporeal sensations of informational technologies without resorting to a naturalization of these machines. In other words, black musical formations relish the synthetic artificiality of cell phones and other mobile gadgets as much as making these a vital component of the performed body. They achieve this by transforming the sounds of mobile telephones into rhythmic patterns vital to their musical texts, which make audible how humans and mobile machines form a relational continuum.
I frequently return to Samuel R. Delany's constructive differentiation between "the white boxes of computer technology" and "the black boxes of modern street technology," because it highlights the racialized core of the very definition of technology (cited in Dery 1994, 192). Although things have changed somewhat--Delany made this statement in 1994--due to the proliferation of mobile devices (laptops, netbooks, smart phones, portable music players with web capabilities, tablet computers, etc.), and the move away from "white boxes" as the de facto model for personal computing, Delany's pithy distinction still holds, both in its general implications and in the racialized provenances of this split. As recent studies have shown, most youth of color in the United States log on the internet from mobile devices or public personal computer terminals, and thus still only have access to the "the black boxes of modern street technology" (Schiffer 1991; Black Digerati 2009; Contreras 2009; Lang 2009; Watkins 2009; Wortham 2009; Brustein 2010). Moreover, black and Latino youth have been early adopters of "street technologies," especially portable music players such as the boom box and Walkman....
Mr. Rammell originally ran as a Republican before dropping out of the primary and switching to independent. A recent poll shows him with about 3 percent of the vote, although Mr. Rammell says his own surveys show him at closer to 10 percent.
The Republic of Serbia is a parliamentary democracy with approximately 7.5 million inhabitants.* Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica has led Serbia's coalition government since 2004. Boris Tadic was elected president in 2004 elections that observers deemed essentially in line with international standards. In January voters elected a new parliament, with some minority ethnic parties gaining seats for the first time and higher turnout among youth and minorities. Democratic parties formed a ruling coalition within constitutionally prescribed time limits. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
The government continued its investigation into the disappearance and subsequent killing of Yili, Mehmet, and Agron Bytyqi in 1999. The bodies of the three US citizen brothers were discovered in 2001 in a mass grave in rural Petrovo Selo, near a Serbian police facility. All three bodies were recovered with hands bound and gunshot wounds to their heads. The special war crimes court continued the trial of Sreten Popovic and Milos Stojanovic, two former members of a special police unit accused of the killings. On April 13, the Court Council granted supervised release from custody to Popovic and Stojanovic. On February 26, police arrested four additional suspects in the Bytyqi case and charged them with war crimes against prisoners of war: Milenko Arsenijevic, deputy head of gendarmerie, Milisav Vuckovic, retired head of the local police station at Prokuplje, Marjan Mijatovic, retired head of prison guards at the district prison of Prokuplje, and Milovan Vucicevic, retired head of the city police of Prokuplje. Police subsequently released all four, but the investigation continued.
The government made modest progress in cooperating with neighboring countries and Kosovo, the International Commission on Missing Persons, and other international organizations to identify missing persons from the Kosovo conflict. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) chaired meetings of the Working Group on Missing Persons, which included government representatives from both Serbia and Kosovo. Meetings of the working group, which ICRC suspended in 2006, resumed in 2007. With the June 2006 return to Kosovo of the remains of 829 individuals from mass graves, all bodies uncovered to date in Serbia had been returned to Kosovo. On June 5, the War Crimes Court and the Serbian government's Committee for Missing Persons began an investigation into a report of alleged mass graves near Rudnica, but the investigation revealed no graves. According to the ICRC, 2,047 missing persons cases remained unsolved.
The media reported prison overcrowding, with 8,500 prisoners incarcerated in the prison system, exceeding the official capacity of 6,000 established by the Department for the Treatment of Prisoners. In some prisons inmates continued to complain of dirty and inhuman conditions. The quality of food varied from poor to minimally acceptable, and health care was often inadequate. Guards were inadequately trained in the proper handling of prisoners. In July inmates in the Central Prison protested conditions. That same month, inmates at the prison in Pozarevac, a town southeast of Belgrade, carried out hunger strikes to protest delays in passing a draft law on amnesty.
The government permitted the ICRC and local independent human rights monitors, including the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia (HCS), to visit prisons and to speak with prisoners without the presence of a warden. Reports from HCS and the Council of Europe's Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT), released in May 2006, were critical of prison conditions, including poor facilities, corruption of prison officials, and mistreatment of prisoners, although HCS did note some improvements since its 2005 report. The CPT report also found that facilities lacked appropriate procedures to deal with prisoner allegations of mistreatment. 2ff7e9595c
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